Inside the Shadow Network: How UAE-Backed Colombian Mercenaries Shaped Sudan’s Paramilitary Scene

Battle erupted in Sudan come April of 2023, when control slipped from unity and fractured along lines between the national military and an elite militia known as the RSF. Fights began not with speeches but gunfire - power once shared now torn by force. The country cracked open through clashes where generals stopped negotiating and started attacking one another. Instead of alliances holding firm, betrayal ran deep inside command centers. Months passed without peace because trust had already burned down earlier that spring.

Famine now grips western Darfur, while reports of mass killings spread - el-Fasher’s people left uneasy following the RSF’s recent takeover. Heavy silence follows where voices once moved.

Over 150,000 lives lost during the fighting nationwide, while roughly 12 million left behind where they lived - this disaster labeled by UN officials as the biggest aid emergency on Earth. Yet here we are.

What follows matters. Know this much. The details inside hold weight. Each piece fits somehow. This covers it fully.

Why is there a civil war?

Out here again, more friction after the 2019 removal of longtime leader Omar al-Bashir - he seized control back in 1989 through a military takeover.

Protests filled the streets, demanding he step down after almost thirty years in power. Instead of holding elections, the military stepped in to remove him from office.

Yet everyday people kept pushing for democratic changes.

After setting up a shared rule between soldiers and civilians, things shifted when yet another takeover happened in October of 2021.

Out front stood the pair now tangled in today’s clash - both pulled off the takeover

Leading Sudan’s military is Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan - he holds power like a president though not named one. Power flows through him, shaped by rank and control on the ground. The title isn’t official, yet decisions bend where he stands

Hemedti - that is General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo - leads the RSF. He serves as second-in-command alongside him.

Yet suddenly, Gen Burhan began seeing things differently than Gen Dagalo about where the nation was headed. Still, their views clashed sharply when it came to shifting power toward civilian leaders.

What held things up most? Ideas about folding the RSF - 100,000 strong - into the military. Then came the question of command: who actually takes charge after that merger happens.

Maybe it was about keeping control. Both generals likely feared giving up what they had. Power slipped away slowly, yet neither stepped back easily. Wealth tied them down just as much as status did. Holding tight seemed easier than letting go.

Out of nowhere, gunfire erupted on April 15, 2023, after a string of tense days. The spark came when RSF forces shifted positions across the nation. That shift? Interpreted by the military as dangerous. So shots rang out.

Folks still argue about which side pulled the trigger first, yet violence spread fast - RSF grabbing big chunks of Khartoum before troops slowly clawed it back by March 2025.

The two generals fighting over Sudan's future

Out here, wealth began with camel deals, then grew on gold trades. Half of Sudan answers to him today

RSF Fighters Who They Are?

Reuters

Once close, the bond between RSF and the army cracked under pressure. Ties weakened when trust slipped away. Cooperation ended after disagreements took hold. What began in unity finished in division

Out of chaos in Darfur rose a force in 2013 - this group traces back to the feared Janjaweed. Known for savage campaigns, it targeted black African, non-Arab communities amid rebellion. Accusations followed: mass killings, forced displacement, acts branded as genocide. Violence marked its path from the start.

Out of nowhere, Gen Dagalo shaped a strong military presence active in Yemen and later seen moving through Libya's unrest. That shift started quiet but grew fast.

Few know he runs parts of Sudan’s gold mining, while reports claim the material moves secretly into the United Arab Emirates.

Drone attacks in Sudan? That is what the military blames on the UAE. Support for the RSF - officials say Abu Dhabi is involved. But the Gulf country, flush with oil wealth, hits back: claims are false.

Fighters arriving from Libya might be linked to actions ordered far beyond the border. Weapons moving into Sudan could have help from military figures based in the east. Accusations point at General Khalifa Haftar, a powerful commander in eastern Libya. His forces allegedly assist the RSF behind the scenes. The army sees foreign hands shaping local combat. Support isn’t just gear - it includes personnel shifts across regions. Details remain tangled in cross-border movements.

By the start of June 2025, RSF forces had pushed into areas near Sudan’s borders - those touching Libya and also stretching toward Egypt. Their advance marked a significant shift on the ground during that period.

By late October, el-Fasher had fallen - now holding nearly all of Darfur along with large parts of nearby Kordofan. Though quiet at first, movement there shifted fast once roads opened under new control.

Splitting again might happen now that the RSF set up another government - back in 2011, South Sudan broke away, grabbing nearly all the oil areas when it left.

What does the army control?

East and much of the northern area stay under army command. Backing comes mainly from Egypt - tied closely to Sudan through shared land boundaries and dependence on Nile water flow.

Now operating out of Port Sudan, Gen Burhan uses the Red Sea city as base for himself along with the administration backed by the UN. Headquarters shifted here after earlier locations became unworkable under current conditions. The coastal position offers strategic access, though not without complications. This move reflects necessity more than choice in a shifting conflict landscape.

A sudden drone attack hit the city in March, carried out by the RSF. Safety there remains uncertain after the violent event unfolded without warning.

Backlash followed once the RSF faced a major loss, seeing power slip from their hands in Khartoum by March. Control shifted - Republican Palace included - as troops moved in.

Back in Khartoum, General Burhan stood amid dust and silence - freedom claimed, mission finished, he announced - but staying wasn’t part of the plan. The city breathed a different air now, heavy with pauses between shots.

Smoke curled through broken windows where offices once hummed. When the RSF pulled out, what remained stood charred and hollow. Government buildings, tall like skeletons, wore soot like second skins. Banks crumbled into piles of twisted metal and ash. Explosions had punched holes through hospitals mid-shift, doctors nearby frozen in shock. Shells landed without warning, some striking clinics while IVs still dripped. People ran past ambulances flipped on their sides. One child sat beneath a shattered pharmacy sign, coughing.

A shattered place once littered with broken aircraft began handling local flights again around mid-October. One day before it was set to formally open, a drone strike from the RSF struck close by, pushing everything back. The site stirred anew despite echoes of wreckage still lingering across the tarmac.

Now holding almost all of Gezira again, the military regrouped after earlier setbacks. When RSF took over late last year, shock rippled through the region. Wad Madani emptied fast - once packed with people escaping fighting elsewhere, now silent in stretches. That collapse sent waves outward, pushing families into uncertain paths across borders and camps alike.

By late October, the RSF had taken control of el-Fasher - once the final significant city under army command. Though long defended by military forces and their partners, it could not withstand the shift in momentum. As frontline pressure grew, coordination weakened. Resistance crumbled when supply lines snapped. The change came quietly, without announcement. What stood for months as a stronghold dissolved within days. Not through sudden assault but slow erosion. Urban order gave way to scattered outposts. Command structures faded into silence. By month's end, new patrols moved through familiar streets.

For more than a year and a half, the RSF surrounded the city, leaving hundreds injured or dead, pushing medical centers past their limits while cutting off access to food.

Now they’ve built a dirt barrier circling the city, locking people in while cutting off supplies - at the same time tearing down the nearby Zamzam camp, where hunger was already spreading fast.

Is there a genocide?

Out of nowhere, some folks from Darfur say the RSF, together with other armed groups, started fighting not just to win land - but to shift who belongs there. Quietly, over time, their actions seem meant to remake a place once shared by many cultures into one where only certain people remain. From dusk till dawn, stories spread that this campaign isn’t random - it points toward erasing diversity, replacing it slowly, steadily.

One-year-old kids were among those attacked when fighters raped and molested children, Unicef reported in March 2024. Though rare to hear, violence like this made its way into public view through urgent warnings from the UN's child-focused group. Because silence often follows such crimes, speaking up became unavoidable after evidence piled too high. When details emerged, they pointed to brutal patterns across conflict zones where safety meant nothing. Since then, attention has turned toward who knew what - and why more wasn’t done earlier. After years of similar reports, little changed on the ground despite promises echoing through offices far away.

Ending their lives has been attempted by some kids because of this.

That same month, Human Rights Watch suggested the RSF together with allied militias might be committing genocide in Darfur - targeting the Massalit and other non-Arab groups. Though unproven, patterns of violence point toward systematic destruction.

El-Geneina saw thousands dead during ethnic cleansing that seemed aimed at driving people away for good. The goal appeared clear - make sure they never return. Lives were wiped out in waves of targeted violence. Movement across the area shifted under pressure from attacks. People vanished, whole families gone without trace. Some neighborhoods emptied fast, others faded slowly. Fear spread faster than any rumor. Homes stood broken, doors left open. Nothing official explained what happened. Witnesses spoke in whispers when they dared. Names disappeared from streets once full of life. A pattern emerged through silence more than sound.

Among the many deaths, HRW saw signs pointing to a deliberate effort by the RSF and allied forces - perhaps aiming at wiping out the Massalit, either completely or in chunks. A pattern like this doesn’t happen by accident.

Should this be seen as genocide, then global organizations plus state leaders might look into it. Investigation by worldwide authorities becomes possible if such acts are deemed genocidal.

A later probe led by United Nations experts did not confirm acts of genocide. Yet evidence pointed clearly toward serious violations by both the Rapid Support Forces and military forces.

Besides what was known before, early this year America concluded the RSF together with connected militia groups carried out acts of genocide.

"The RSF and allied militias have systematically murdered men and boys - even infants - on an ethnic basis, and deliberately targeted women and girls from certain ethnic groups for rape and other forms of brutal sexual violence," then-Secretary of State Anthony Blinken said.

"Those same militias have targeted fleeing civilians, murdering innocent people escaping conflict, and prevented remaining civilians from accessing lifesaving supplies. Based on this information, I have now concluded that members of the RSF and allied militias have committed genocide in Sudan," he added.

Out of this came U.S. sanctions targeting Gen Dagalo, then actions mirroring those steps aimed at Gen Burhan.

Out of nowhere, Sudan took legal steps at the ICJ targeting the UAE. Blame centers on support said to boost the RSF during deadly violence. Money and weapons allegedly came from Emirati sources. The claim? That backing helped fuel mass harm. Officials argue such aid crosses moral lines. Accusations point directly at state-level involvement. Evidence is expected to unfold slowly. Tensions rise as details emerge behind closed doors. Legal arguments will shape what follows. No quick answers appear likely.

Still, the court turned down the request, explaining it lacked authority to act on such matters.

Surprising words came from a government figure in the UAE, claiming the country holds no blame in the crisis. Still, investigators at the United Nations find it believable that Emirati backing helps fuel the RSF's actions.

Genocide claims? The RSF says those don’t fit - what happened in Darfur, they argue, was a clash between tribes. Not their doing, according to them.

Women who survived the assaults told UN teams about slurs shouted by RSF fighters - racist words mixed with threats of forced pregnancies. Testimonies describe how attackers mocked non-Arab identities while committing sexual violence. The claim emerged through interviews where victims recalled chilling phrases tied to ethnic hatred. One recurring line involved promises of “Arab babies,” spoken during acts meant to humiliate. These accounts form part of a broader pattern detailed by investigators tracking wartime abuse. Hatred based on skin color surfaced repeatedly in survivors’ descriptions of their abusers' words.

Now that stories of violence - some involving mass killings - are emerging from el-Fasher, worry has grown. Around 250,000 individuals remain trapped inside the city, a large number belonging to non-Arab groups. Because details are still arriving slowly, what happens next feels uncertain. Though little is confirmed, fear for their safety spreads.

How do you define genocide?

What is being done to end the conflict?

Failing to stick, peace efforts popped up now and again across Saudi Arabia then shifted to Bahrain. Talks crumbled each time, leaving little behind.

Early November brought news - the RSF accepted a ceasefire shaped by talks with the US, UAE, then Saudi Arabia alongside Egypt. That pause aimed at easing civilian hardship during ongoing clashes across Sudan.

Still, the military warned it might hesitate before accepting any peace deal, pointing fingers at the RSF for breaking past ceasefire promises.

Still, attention fades fast when it comes to Sudan, says UN health leader Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. While wars rage on African soil, eyes turn elsewhere. Crises in other regions pull more focus. Interest dips, even as suffering grows. Fewer people seem to notice what unfolds in these corners of the world.

"I think race is in the play here,"he told the BBC in September 2024.

Not enough has been done, says the ICG, when it comes to diplomacy ending the war - their word: lacklustre. Far below what’s needed, adds Amnesty International, describing global action as falling short in a deep way.

Much of what help groups do now stumbles because money stopped coming after Trump’s move to pull funding. Though quiet at first, the impact grew sharp over time, slowing deliveries meant for those in need. When support vanished suddenly, programs once steady began to waver without warning. Even small teams felt the weight, their efforts stretched thin across regions that waited too long already.

Over 24 million individuals across the nation now struggle with severe lack of food, reports WFP. Though hunger spreads widely, each person feels it differently - quiet mornings, empty plates. Not just numbers, these lives mark a deepening crisis unfolding daily under strained systems. Hunger grows where support fades, silently shaping days without enough to eat.

Some helpers said most crisis meal sites had closed down, pushing a sense that Sudan’s fighting gets little attention. Nearly eight out of ten stopped working, leaving many without meals when needed most.

Who is sending the weapons? That remains unclear.

Ever since 2004, Darfur - where the RSF holds power - has lived under a UN weapons ban. Still, even with pressure from advocacy organizations, that restriction hasn’t reached beyond those borders.

Weapons moving into the nation have drawn attention from several analysts. Experts looked closely at how arms enter the region. Scrutiny came from researchers tracking supply routes. Observation of weapon transfers has taken place among study groups. Review of incoming arms occurred through different investigative efforts.

Weapons traced to Serbia, Russia, China, Turkey, Yemen, and the UAE show up in Sudan, according to Amnesty International. Though not all made locally, their presence points to outside supply lines feeding conflict zones. Each batch carries markings that help track origins, despite attempts to obscure them. While some shipments move through hidden routes, digital records and field reports piece together the paths. Because patterns repeat, researchers link certain models to specific manufacturers abroad. Even when labeled differently, design traits give connections away. Since fighting continues, demand grows for arms from multiple global sources.

A path used for moving goods illegally usually goes through the UAE first, after that reaches Chad, followed by entry into Darfur - so says a confidential document made public, written by United Nations specialists.

Out of nowhere, the UAE faces claims it’s been arming the RSF heavily. In return, those same forces allegedly funnel smuggled gold through Emirati markets.

When it comes to the Sudanese Armed Forces, signs point to Iran providing arms. Though unconfirmed, reports indicate shipments arriving through third countries. One detail stands out: satellite images show military vehicles matching Iranian models. Not every source agrees on how much has moved across borders. Still, patterns in delivery routes suggest coordination over time. Some experts question whether these transfers violate international agreements. Others argue oversight is too weak to prove intent clearly.

Each side says it isn’t true. Nobody admits to what they’re accused of. Claims are rejected outright by everyone involved.

That October, MPs turned on their own government when reports surfaced about UK-built arms reaching the RSF. Weapons made in Britain had somehow moved into conflict zones. These tools of war were then used in brutal acts. Lawmakers expressed shock despite prior warnings. The situation sparked tense debates in Parliament. Officials struggled to explain how exports slipped through controls. Evidence pointed to indirect supply routes. Some ministers faced questions about oversight failures. Public pressure grew as details emerged. Responsibility became a central issue. Investigations began within weeks.

In response to one MP's demand to "end all arms shipments to the UAE until it is proved that the UAE is not arming the RSF", Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said at the time: "The UK has extremely strong controls on arms exports, including to prevent any diversion. We will continue to take that immensely seriously."

Later, during a gathering of G7 foreign ministers, Marco Rubio - America’s top diplomat - urged global efforts aimed at stopping arms deliveries to the RSF.

Where is Sudan?

North east Africa holds Sudan, a nation stretching across 1.9 million sq km - about 734,000 square miles - in size. This place ranks among the continent's biggest, spreading wide under open skies.

Along its edges lie seven nations alongside the Red Sea. Flowing across the land, the River Nile adds weight to why outside forces take interest.

Most people in Sudan follow Islam, while Arabic along with English serve as the nation's recognized tongues.

Before bombs fell, Sudan already ranked among Earth's least wealthy nations. Gold came from its soil, yet empty pockets stayed common. A mine might shine bright, people did not. Wealth rose from ground, never reached hands needing it most. Ground rich, lives poor - this was normal long before fighting began.

Back then, 46 million folks got by on about $750 each per year. That’s roughly £600 when you check the rate from 2022.

Things got a lot harder because of the fighting. Eighty percent gone - that is how much the country’s income dropped, according to Sudan’s finance minister last year.